This academic article examines Hindutva, a Hindu nationalist ideology in India, as a form of right-wing extremism. The author argues that Hindutva’s development was significantly influenced by interactions with Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, and that it has become increasingly mainstream in India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The article bridges a gap in scholarly literature by analyzing Hindutva within the broader global context of right-wing extremism, highlighting its similarities to European movements while acknowledging its unique features. It critiques existing scholarship for misinterpreting Hindutva as primarily religious rather than ethnonationalist, and explores the role of violence and the construction of a Hindu majoritarian identity. Moreover, the article underscores the dangers of legitimizing Hindutva ideology on international platforms, as evidenced by the controversial decision of the Transcendental Meditation movement’s global leader, Tony Nader to invite Mohan Madhukar Rao Bhagwat, the leader of the Hindutva-promoting RSS, to the 2024 World Peace Assembly in India. Finally, the piece analyzes Hindutva’s success in mainstreaming its exclusionary nationalist ideology through the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). At the end of our article, you can share your opinion through an anonymous reader poll. Please answer our 3 questions!
The RSS and its Role in Hindutva’s Development
Early Development: The RSS emerged as a grassroots social movement in 1925, founded by Keshav Baliram Hedgewar. Its founding text, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu? (1923), articulated the concept of Hindu identity based on ethnic Hindu-ness and territorial belonging. This text influenced the RSS’s ideology, emphasizing the ethnic and racial substance of the Hindu nation. The organization established shakhas (cells) where volunteers received training in physical drills and education on ancient Hindu texts. This structure, influenced by Moonje’s observation of Italian youth training programs, aimed to instill the Hindutva mission and cultivate a sense of national belonging.
Ideological Influence: Key RSS leaders, like Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, espoused ideas that aligned with Nazi racial myths. Golwalkar’s book, We or Our Nationhood Defined (1939), advocated for the assimilation or subordination of non-Hindu races in India to the Hindu nation, reflecting a belief in Hindu identity as a matter of race and blood. This articulation of racial purity as a defining characteristic of the Hindu nation strongly resonated with Nazi ideology.
Post-Independence Activities: The RSS played a significant role in Hindu-Muslim communal riots during the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947. While the organization was temporarily banned after Gandhi’s assassination by a former RSS member, it continued to expand its influence through the Sangh Parivar, a network of affiliated organizations promoting Hindutva across various sectors of society.
Political Influence: The RSS, although officially non-political, exerted considerable influence within the BJP, the political party most closely aligned with Hindutva ideology. Its extensive network of organizations in civil society and its “dual identity” of visible political engagement and grassroots service provision allowed the RSS to disseminate and legitimize Hindutva across different segments of Indian society. This pervasive presence enabled the RSS to shape the BJP’s agenda and contribute to the mainstreaming of Hindutva in Indian politics.
The Influence of Colonialism and Fascism on Hindutva
Colonialism: The emergence of Hindutva is situated in colonial India, where it originated as an anti-colonial resistance movement against British rule. Early Hindutva ideologues, influenced by European scholars, asserted the superiority of Indian civilization, particularly its language and Aryan origins. The British strategy of separate electorates, dividing Hindus and Muslims in local elections, fueled religiously framed identity politics and intensified Hindu-Muslim polarization, contributing to the growth of Hindutva sentiment.
Interaction with Fascist Italy: During the 1920s, Hindutva ideologues found inspiration in Mussolini’s regime, particularly the appeal of militarization for societal order. Balakrishna Shivram Moonje, a prominent Hindutva figure, visited Italy in 1931 and observed the recruitment and training of young Italian boys in weekly meetings involving physical exercises and paramilitary drills. Moonje’s observations influenced the modus operandi of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a key Hindutva organization, which adopted similar practices in its shakhas (cells). Italian officials in India, including the consulate in Bombay, fostered connections with Hindutva actors, even recruiting Indian students to learn Italian and absorb Fascist propaganda.
Influence of Nazi Germany: The rise of Nazism in Germany further influenced Hindutva. The Hindu Mahasabha openly supported the Third Reich, emphasizing the Aryan connection between Nazism and Hindutva. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, a prominent Hindutva ideologue, cited Germany’s treatment of Jews as a model for addressing India’s Muslim “problem.” The Nazi Party’s newspaper, Völkischer Beobachter, featured Savarkar’s endorsement of German occupation. Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, another RSS leader, embraced the concept of Hindu identity rooted in race and blood, aligning with Nazi racial myths. His book, We or Our Nationhood Defined (1939), advocated for the assimilation or subordination of non-Hindu races in India to the Hindu nation. Golwalkar’s writings reflected the influence of Nazi ideology on the concept of a Hindu nation defined by racial purity and territorial belonging.
Mutual Engagement and Exchange: The relationship between Hindutva and European fascist ideologies was characterized by mutual engagement and exchange. Nazi agents translated Mein Kampf into Indian languages, disseminated pro-Nazi propaganda, and provided funding to sympathetic Indian newspapers. In return, Hindutva writings appeared in German newspapers, and regional Indian newspapers published articles favoring Germany’s “Jewish policy.” This exchange fostered a cycle of ideological reinforcement between European and South Asian political spheres.
The following academic article demonstrate that colonialism and fascism played a significant role in shaping Hindutva’s development, providing inspiration for its ideology, organizational structure, and strategies. The interaction with European fascist movements, particularly in Italy and Germany, provided Hindutva ideologues with models for promoting ethnic nationalism, militarization, and the concept of a Hindu nation rooted in racial purity and territorial belonging.
Bridging the Gap in Right-Wing Extremism Studies: Leidig’s Approach
Critique of Eurocentric Views: Leidig challenges the tendency of Western scholars, like Robert Paxton, to misinterpret Hindutva as solely religious extremism, stemming from a misunderstanding of the Indian concept of secularism. She emphasizes that Indian secularism does not imply a strict separation of religion and state, but rather a “principled distance” that allows for religious plurality and practice within a secular state framework. Leidig argues that this misinterpretation arises from a failure to consider the complex historical and cultural context of India, leading to a limited understanding of Hindutva’s ethnonationalist character.
Highlighting Hindutva’s Global Connections: Leidig emphasizes that Hindutva is not an isolated phenomenon, but rather a product of transnational ideological exchanges with European fascist movements. She details Hindutva’s historical connections with Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, highlighting the mutual influence and exchange of ideas between these movements. Leidig demonstrates how Hindutva ideologues drew inspiration from European models of militarization, racial purity, and ethnonationalism, while European intellectuals, in turn, engaged with Hindutva to further their own ideological development.
Situating Hindutva Within Right-Wing Extremism: By tracing these connections, Leidig argues that Hindutva shares core ideological elements with European right-wing extremism, particularly the emphasis on ethnonationalism, the construction of an “Other” as a threat to national identity, and the use of violence as a legitimate means of achieving political goals. She contends that recognizing these parallels allows for a more universal understanding of right-wing extremism as a global phenomenon, moving beyond the limitations of geographically confined studies.
Leidig’s article, therefore, serves as a bridge between Western and South Asian studies of right-wing extremism by:
- Challenging the prevailing Eurocentrism in the field.
- Emphasizing the transnational and global nature of Hindutva.
- Providing a framework for understanding Hindutva within a broader, universal conceptualization of right-wing extremism.
This approach encourages a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of right-wing extremism, acknowledging its diverse manifestations while identifying shared ideological underpinnings across different cultural and geographical contexts.
The Role of Violence in Hindutva’s Rise
The Leidig’s academic article indicate that violence played a significant role in Hindutva’s rise to power, both as a tool of intimidation and as a means of shaping a narrative of Hindu victimhood and the need for a strong Hindu nation.
The victim of RSS,
his sin was not
being a Hindu!
- The partition of India and Pakistan in 1947, accompanied by widespread Hindu-Muslim violence, deeply impacted the Hindutva movement. It reinforced the idea of Muslims as a threat to Hindus and the need for a separate Hindu nation for protection. This period saw Hindutva activists participating in the riots, further solidifying the perception of Muslims as an enemy.
- The assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by a former RSS member, who opposed Gandhi’s vision of Hindu-Muslim unity, showcases the extremist undercurrents within the movement. While the RSS was temporarily banned after this event, it continued to grow and exert influence through its vast network.
- The 2002 Gujarat riots, where large-scale violence against Muslims occurred during Narendra Modi’s tenure as Chief Minister, is a crucial turning point. The article describe the riots as a pogrom, implying a systematic and organized attack against a specific religious community.
- This event solidified Modi’s image as a strongman willing to take decisive action against perceived threats, which resonated with a segment of the Hindu population that felt vulnerable.
- The article mention “saffron terror” to describe violence perpetrated by Hindutva actors, highlighting the use of violence to assert dominance and control over public spaces and to instill fear in minority communities.
- This tactic, coupled with the propagation of narratives about threats to Hindu culture and women, created a climate of fear that fueled support for Hindutva’s ideology of Hindu supremacy.
The atricle suggest that while Hindutva’s rise to power has been a gradual process spanning several decades, violence has served as a recurring and powerful tool. It has allowed Hindutva actors to intimidate opponents, mobilize supporters, and ultimately shape the narrative that has legitimized their ideology in the eyes of a significant segment of the Indian population.
Hindutva as a variant of right-wing extremism – 24-page PDF study by Eviane Leidig
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