Dr. Tony Nader and Hindutva-Nazism – Part 1: Savarkar’s Hindutva: An Analysis

Dr. Tony Nader and Hindutva-Nazism – Part 1: Savarkar’s Hindutva: An Analysis

With our new 3-part series, we seek to understand why international Transcendental Meditation leader Dr. Tony Nader embraced the nazi-like Hindutva and made the Transcendental Meditation Organization a spittoon of the meditation-spirituality movement by inviting the leader of the Hindutva-Nazi-like RSS terrorist organization, Mohan Madhukar Rao Bhagwat, to the 2024 World Peace Assembly in India. In the first part of our series of articles, we look at V.D. Savarkar’s book Hindutva.

Background: Apart from the Indian course participants, many were unaware while meditating that the leader of the organization responsible for Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination was among them:


Essentials of Hindutva – The book was published in 1923 while Savarkar (1883–1966) was still in jail

The following is an excerpt from the linked PDF, so you may gain a glimpse of the contents.

Glossary

  • Hindutva: A political ideology that seeks to define Indian identity in terms of Hindu heritage, culture, and nationhood.
  • Hindusthan: The geographical area defined as the “fatherland” and “holy land” of Hindus, typically referring to the Indian subcontinent.
  • Hindudom: According to Savarkar, encompassing all who recognize India as their fatherland and holy land, embracing Hindu culture and history.
  • Fatherland (Pitribhumi): The land of one’s ancestors, where one is born. Savarkar sees this as a key element of national identity.
  • Holy Land (Punyabhumi): The land where one’s religion has its roots. For Savarkar, this land is also in India.
  • Blood (Rakta): A shared ancestry, that is, lineage stemming from Hindu descent. Savarkar uses this to define national identity.
  • Race (Jati): A broad term that is not based on scientific classification, that Savarkar uses to express a collective identity, usually tied to ancestry and shared cultural heritage.
  • Culture (Sanskriti): The collective way of life, social behavior, and customs, including religion, that are common among a particular group or society.
  • Minority (Alpasankhyak): According to Savarkar, a group that holds a minority position culturally, racially, or ethnically within a nation, but which must acknowledge the nation as their land of ancestors.
  • Assimilation: The process through which a minority or non-dominant group is incorporated into a majority or dominant culture and takes on its identity and social customs.

1. Introduction

My arcticle analyzes excerpts from V.D. Savarkar’s seminal text “Hindutva,” which lays out the philosophical underpinnings of Hindu nationalism. The core argument of “Hindutva” as presented here is that of defining who is a Hindu, based on a combination of geographical, racial, and cultural factors, all within the context of viewing India as a “Hindu nation.”

2. Key Themes and Concepts

  • Defining ‘Hindutva’: Savarkar distinguishes “Hindutva” from the term “Hinduism,” the latter of which he sees as a religious concept alone. For Savarkar, Hindutva is a much broader concept, denoting a shared nationhood. He states: “Hinduism is only a derivative, a fraction, a part of Hindutva. Hindutva embraces all the departments of thought and activity of the whole being of our Hindu race.” This distinction is critical, separating religious identity from what he sees as national and cultural identity.
  • Geographical Foundation: Savarkar emphasizes the importance of “Sindhu” as the geographical foundation of Hindutva: “We Hindus are a Nation by ourselves because a common Fatherland—a geographical unit—binds us together.” This “Fatherland,” and by implication the ‘Motherland’ of India, is seen as the cornerstone upon which the nation is built. He argues that the land of India is inextricably linked to the Hindu identity, saying: “The land that extends from the Indus to the Seas is our Motherland and because this land has been ours since immemorial times, we claim to be the children of this soil and, therefore, Hindus.”
  • Common Blood/Race (Jati): Savarkar also claims a shared “blood” or race as a binding element of Hindutva: “…it is not merely the love of the Motherland that binds us together and makes us a Nation, but the tie of a common blood.” Although “Jati” in India can be taken to also denote caste, his use here appears to be more of shared heritage or ancestry in a national sense. This is particularly seen in the following quote: “That we Hindus claim to have a common origin as a race and that our race has been maintaining its distinctiveness is a historical fact”. This seems to point towards a racial aspect in his definition, and he continues: “The term Hindu, therefore, could be used to denote not only a religious and cultural entity, but also a national and a racial one.”
  • Cultural Identity (Sanskriti): The cultural aspect (Sanskriti) as a unifying element is clearly present in the excerpts. He notes that a “common culture” also “binds” the Hindus and emphasizes a “common civilization” that developed around the Sindhu river. He says, “We are not only a Nation because of the geographical unity, but also because of our common civilization.” This shared civilization acts as another layer in defining the Hindu identity, separate from just geography or race.
  • The Hindu as the ‘True’ Nationalist: Savarkar implicitly suggests that only those who fulfill these criteria can be true nationalists. Others, whose ‘fatherland’ and ‘punyabhumi’ (holy land) lie elsewhere, cannot have the same level of nationalist devotion. He states that a Hindu has their “Punyabhumi,” meaning both their ‘Fatherland and Holy Land’ within India, contrasting this with those whose “Punyabhumi is situated elsewhere”.
  • Historical Basis: Savarkar cites various events from ancient Indian history, like the Mahabharata and Ramayana, to illustrate the historical depth and resilience of the Hindu nation and culture.

3. Important Ideas and Facts

  • Hindutva is not just a religion: It is a political and national identity defined by shared territory, blood, and culture. This is perhaps the most important idea in these excerpts.
  • Emphasis on territorial and blood ties: This implies that being born within a specific geography and from a specific lineage is fundamental to a Hindu identity, suggesting inherent and exclusionary aspects.
  • Cultural unity: While Savarkar talks about cultural unity, he uses the word civilization as though it is synonymous with culture. This could raise some questions about the diversity of culture within the Hindu umbrella, and if all people with Hindu heritage can be said to share a singular common culture or civilization.
  • Exclusionary Implications: By defining a “true” nationalist through the criteria of ‘fatherland’ and ‘holy land,’ Savarkar’s ideology raises concerns about the status of other communities whose religious origins lie outside of India.
  • Historical Revisionism: Savarkar uses events from Indian history, with the Ramayana and Mahabharata being key in his description of how a Hindu culture has been present in the area for many years. These are presented not only as historical events but as proof that Hindutva was present in the area even at those early points.

4. Potential Concerns

  • Exclusionary Nature: Savarkar’s definition of Hindutva can be seen as inherently exclusionary. The focus on shared land, blood and culture can marginalize minorities within India who do not fit into the narrow conception of Hindutva.
  • Racial implications: The emphasis on a “common blood” or “race” carries undertones of racialism, which is a dangerous concept.
  • Historical Accuracy: The interpretation of history and mythology can be seen as selective and aimed at supporting his particular view of Hindutva, rather than being a fully objective view of history.

5. Conclusion

Savarkar’s “Hindutva” is a complex and multi-layered text that attempts to define a Hindu identity that transcends religious boundaries. The core of his argument rests on the notion that those with roots in the ancient traditions, lineage, and territory of India are part of a cohesive Hindu nation, while marginalizing those who do not fit his description. The text’s emphasis on a single Hindu race is also a point of concern. The ideas in these excerpts from Savarkar’s “Hindutva” form the foundations for Hindu nationalist politics in India, and a thorough understanding of its contents is critical to engaging with contemporary political discourse in India.


UNDERSTANDING THE TONY NADER’S ROLE MODEL, SAVARKAR: LIFE AND WORKS

Savarkar was born on 28th May 1883, in the family of Chitpavan Brahmins in the village of Bhagur, near Nashik, Maharashtra. He lost his mother, Radhabai Savarkar, at a young age and was raised by his father, Damodar Savarkar. The latter was the first person to inculcate nationalist consciousness, patriotic sentiments, and a poetic inclination in him. He would recite to him the stories of the Ramayana, Mahabharata, and introduce leaders like Shivaji and Guru Govind Singh, who would play an essential role in shaping his outlook and worldview. However, due to a plague, he soon lost his father and was raised by his elder brother, Ganesh Savarkar. This was the immediate familial context of Savarkar.

Thus, one can understand his life in three broad phases, which are as follows:

  1. Youth and Education in England (1906-1910)
  2. Incarceration in Cellular Jail and Conditional Release (1910-1936)
  3. Ideologue of Hindutva (1936-1966)

First Phase: Youth and Education (1906-1910)

Savarkar was intensely nationalistic and envisioned India’s independence from British colonialism as a young boy. From a young age, he wrote poems and plays published in Marathi newspapers and journals. He established Mitra Mela, a youth collective that aimed to instill a revolutionary nationalist spirit and consciousness. Soon, Mitra Mela began to grow and occupy a vital space among the youth, witnessing a steady increase in participation. It also acted as a discursive space for discussing the revolutionary nature of the nationalist struggle. A significant aspect of this revolutionary youth collective was its denunciation of caste distinctions. Apart from the revolutionary discourse, it celebrated the Ganpati and Shivaji Festivals, which B.G. Tilak initiated to instill the spirit of nationalism.

In 1901, Savarkar was enrolled in Fergusson College in Pune, Maharashtra. During his college life, he was deeply inspired by Giuseppe Mazzini, an Italian revolutionary who played a central role in the unification of Italy. He wrote Mazzini Charitra, a translation of Mazzini’s work. Around the same time, he became a member of the Abhinav Bharat Society, established in 1904.

In 1905, during the Swadeshi and Boycott movements, on the call of B.G. Tilak, Savarkar organized the burning of British clothes. For this act, the college administration fined Savarkar, but Tilak, who was also one of the founders of Fergusson College, came to his rescue. This was not the first time Tilak supported Savarkar. He was central in helping Savarkar gain a scholarship for his education in London. Shyamji Krishna Varma, a fellow nationalist, offered scholarships to deserving students from India to study abroad, and Savarkar received the fellowship with the help of a letter of recommendation written by B.G. Tilak.

In June 1906, V.D. Savarkar went to England and was enrolled in Grays Inn, London, to study law. He was provided accommodation in Indian House. He established the Free India Society, an organization that primarily worked towards the cause of India’s liberation outside the country. It organized meetings, discussions, and celebrations of Indian festivals.

In 1907, during the celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the Revolt of 1857, Savarkar staged a play depicting the revolt from the Indian revolutionary perspective, celebrating the indicted leaders of the revolt as martyrs and national heroes, unlike the British portrayals of them as mutineers. This inspired Savarkar to rewrite the history of the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857. As a result, he secretly wrote The 1857 Indian War of Independence in 1907, which was published in 1909. However, Savarkar was arrested on the grounds of sedition and was sentenced to two terms of 25 years each. He was sent to the Cellular Jail in the Andamans.

Second Phase: Incarceration in Cellular Jail and Conditional Release (1910-1936)

Savarkar was arrested in 1910. After a litigation that took nearly a year, he was sent to India in 1911 and transported to the Cellular Jail for 50 years. He was sent to the Andamans, also referred to as Kala Pani, where he was put under solitary confinement many times, resulting in the worst physical and mental torture. Savarkar’s elder brother was also arrested and sent to the Cellular Jail.

During this time, Savarkar exchanged letters with British officials in mercy petitions and with his family, especially his younger brother, to garner support for his release. As many political prisoners were being released around that time, Savarkar also sought his freedom. However, he was granted conditional release on 6th January 1924 after 14 years, with two conditions: Firstly, he was not allowed to leave Ratnagiri, and secondly, he was not supposed to participate in any nationalist activities. Consequently, he was confined to Ratnagiri for the period and was not allowed to travel across the country. In 1923, Essentials of Hindutva, considered his major work, was published.

The period Savarkar spent in Ratnagiri was instrumental in shaping and articulating his political, social, and cultural views. Under obligation, Savarkar did not raise political concerns but focused mainly on social reforms and linguistic matters. Caste reforms were a significant focus as he rallied against segregation and discrimination, working to remove untouchability. These years also marked his appeal for Shuddhikaran (Purification). During this time, Savarkar emerged as the leader of Hindu interests, with the establishment of the Ratnagiri Hindu Sabha in January 1924. This organization, in significant relation to the Hindu Mahasabha, focused on regional issues.

During this time, Savarkar met many critical national leaders, including M.K. Gandhi and leaders of organizations operating in Hindu interests. In 1925, he met Dr. K.B. Hegdewar, the founder of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

Third Phase: Ideologue of Hindutva (1936-1966)

The last phase of his life, from 1936 to 1966, marked his emergence as the ideologue of Hindutva. Over the years, his ideas became the foundational basis of a right-wing ideological stream in Indian politics. In 1937, Savarkar moved to Bombay, and his house, Shivaji Sadan, became the base from where he carried out his political activities. After 26 years since his arrest in 1910, his national presence was amplified as one of the foremost revolutionaries and leaders of Hindu interests.

From 1938 onwards, Savarkar was fully involved with the Hindu Mahasabha as its president. The Hindu Mahasabha, initially established in 1906, was dedicated to the cause of “Akhand Hindu Bharat” and the protection of Hindu interests. As president from 1937-42, the speeches he delivered at the annual sessions of the Hindu Mahasabha became the framework for the principles of Hindu Nationalism. These speeches were later published as Hindu Rashtra Darshan. During this time, Savarkar traveled extensively in the country, delivering speeches in favor of the rights and interests of Hindus.

This period represented two significant themes: the nation’s independence and consolidation, and the protection of the interests of Hindus. At the helm of the Hindu Mahasabha, Savarkar positioned Hindus as the majority and Muslims as minorities. The Hindu line of argument evolved from a milder stance in the 1920s, to a dynamic one in the 1930s, and a radical, exclusionary stance in the 1940s. Savarkar critiqued Jinnah and Gandhi vigorously, defending the so-called Hindu interests. He appealed to Hindus to protect their community’s interests and the independence and indivisibility of the nation. He was against the demand for Pakistan and argued that the Pan-Islamic alliance, which was supporting Jinnah and the League, should be resisted by a Pan-Hindu Buddhist alliance. He argued that the Indian National Congress was working in tandem with the League, voicing his critique against both organizations.

By the 1940s, Savarkar was the most prominent leader and representative of the Hindu faction. On 10th May 1942, the Akhand Hindustan Movement was started at Savarkar’s behest. In the same year, in July, Savarkar resigned from the presidency of the Hindu Mahasabha, which he had held for five years, on the grounds of fatigue and exhaustion. However, he sent a clear message to party members to work rigorously towards the Hindu cause. He also participated in the deliberations on the Cripps Proposal and the Cabinet Mission Plan.

On 30th January 1948, Gandhi was assassinated by Nathuram Godse, who was inspired by Savarkar and considered him a mentor. He was a staunch Savarkarite. There was significant public outrage, and Savarkar was arrested on 4th February 1948 as an accused. He was moved to Delhi, where trials took place in May 1948. He was later released.

In the 1950s, Savarkar delivered public speeches and lectures on themes of the nation, nationalism, history, and the past. A significant part of his time was dedicated to the establishment of a foundation for the martyrs. In 1957, Savarkar participated in the centenary celebrations of the 1857 Rebellion, organized by the Government of India, and traveled to Delhi for the event. By the beginning of the 1960s, Savarkar’s health began to deteriorate. He died in 1966 at the age of 83.


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